Much of this parole is taken up with his rise to political power, especially in one case he became a Senator, ending up as legal age Leader with a Re customaryan President, Dwight Eisenhower.
It is interesting to note that hints of Johnson's efforts to win in Vietnam came in a statement Ms. Kearns quotes: "We make believe fought twain world wars. . . because of our failure to take a position in time.' The way to prevent conflict was to stop aggressors at the start. . . " (p. 96).
In the Senate, Johnson was responsible for assigning directions for senate freshmen, and he managed to give the important committee assignments to those new senators he felt could not only brook but who would be beholden to him. In short, he was build a power base. He expected to be subject to run for the Presidency (with the help of these people) and win. But, of course, he had not counted on Kennedy and his charisma. It is somewhat sad to see an experienced politician, who was publicly good-natured at best, find that he could not achieve what he had worked his entire adult life for: becoming President on his own power.
Lyndon Johnson was chosen, over Kennedy's strong objections, to be the Vice presidential nominee in 1960. Ms. Kearns points out that if the Senate had the power to select the presidential candidate, it would have been Johnson and not Kennedy. But they had no such
What makes this book so fascinating for anyone interested ion American history is not so much what we go through about Johnson as the President, obligated to carry out the ideas of JFK, and how he fell from public grace with the Vietnam crisis; but we learn off the beaten track(predicate) more about the inside activities of politicians in Congress and in the Party.
Power is not gleaned from public opinion polls (although Clinton use them, cleverly) but from maneuvering out of sight of the public, compromising to get at least something achieved.
Johnson as President covers, of course, a major dowery of this book. It was he who transformed the New Frontier into the Great Society. Yet, as comfortable as Kennedy was in face-to-face meetings with foreign leader, so Johnson was uncomfortable. Dealing with them was not like coming to terms with congressional colleagues. Foreign policy was never his strong suit.
power. Kennedy and Johnson were both super ambitious, but they were totally unlike in demeanor, in public perception, and even in political direction. Kennedy, it seemed, was far more progressive tense than the plodding, strategy-planning behind-the-scenes cajoling Johnson. Kennedy was told, and he finally agreed, that he needed Johnson to have any chance to win. And so these two disparate personalities linked forces, at least publicly. The book makes it abundantly clear (but without malice) that Johnson cha
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