The California Civil Rights Initiative

In atomic number 20 and Texas, Spanish-language advocates resembling to observe that this land was Spanish before it was position. Last grade in Tucson, the Immigration and Naturalization Service swore in a batch of new citizens in Spanish. We sp displace $10 trillion each year on bilingual education, with the bulk of it spent, non teaching English to immigrants, but teaching coursework in autochthonic languages. (Mosier, 1994, p. 22)

It is interesting to note that the view from the right does nothing to accommodate the body of research which indicates that bilingual education in the child's primordial language helps the student to learn content in the divers(a) disciplines which will later make learning in English more attainable. In addition, the quotation cited above names whole Spanish as a "native language," when, in fact, in California at least, a multitude of different languages catch up with bilingual education programs. Some atomic number 18as admit large Asiatic populations which must be addressed, also. Generally, however, Hispanics are scapegoated as the immigrants to be reckoned with if we are to save the motherland.

The "English Only" movement has been divisive twain in California and Texas. As we have seen, Asians in California also comprise a significant group, especially in areas like Monterey Park--in fact, in Monterey Park, at first

As for the constitutionality of propositions like 187, the public will have to have a bun in the oven for the Supreme Court's ruling. The law is currently under legal challenge, and, condescension constitutional precedents, the courts may well up subscribe to the legislation, which may command prompt other states to pass similar measures. Such legislation at this point provides merely a symbolic message. As Schuck (1995) observes, unratified immigration is not a homogeneous, unmitigated evil. Its costs are much lower than is commonly believed, and the possiblity of eliminating it [illegal immigration] is nonexistent. Adherence to weak enforcement indemnity that allows illegal immigration while implementing harsh policy on the eligibility for public services is morally unjustifiable (p. 85-92).

Why have recent immigrants posed "problems" of assimilation not posed by earlier influxes of immigrants into a nation of immigrants? Zuckerman (1994, p. 124) does an excellent job of move the entire "us versus them" scenario into perspective--how we got from there to here:

With Proposition 209, Californians voted to end affirmative action programs. Such programs would include those which offer women and minority contractors preferences in public contracts. City administrators of San Francisco will have to evoke themeselves for law suits from the left and right of the affirmative action show up if Proposition 209 is enforced. Because the city has its own ordinance giving women and minorities preferences as subcontractors in city contracts, if it supports the people's will with regard to 209, it will cosset its own ordinance. If it eliminates preferences entirely, it will see legal action by minority contractors. "Divisive, unnecessary, and impractical" are three words which catch to mind repeatedly whenever one considers the issue of measures such as 209 and 187. San Francisco has rightfully decided to put Proposition 209 on hold for awhile.

In San Antonio, Texas, baloons, fanfare, a parade, and
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